By Hwang Jae-ho
The Korea-Japan Experts Seminar was held in Tokyo on August 27, when Korea-Japan relations were sharply conflicting.
The Center for Contemporary Korean Studies of the Institute of East Asian Studies from Keio University and the Global Security Cooperation Center from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies held talks with the theme of "Mutual Understanding of Korea-Japan Security Strategy," under the auspices of the Korea Foundation.
Two sessions were held with Center for Contemporary Korean Studies director Nishino Junya as a chairman. The first was "The strategy of Korea-Japan surrounding the situation on the Korean Peninsula" while the second was "Korea and Japan's response on the strategic competition between the U.S. and China".
Researchers from both countries were basically aware of the insecurity and instability of the rapidly changing regional security order, however, they had some similarities as well as differences in their response strategies.
In terms of North Korea policy, Korea and Japan differed most. On the other hand, Korea and Japan also focused on their relationship with China instead of the unilateral choice of the ROK-U.S. or U.S.-Japan alliance to secure their national interests. This seminar focused on the current security environment rather than the recent history issues. Summaries of experts from each two countries are as follows:
In the first session, Professor Koh Yoo-hwan from Dongguk University shared the reason why there is no progress in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula over a year after the summit in Singapore.
He said the cause comes from the mutual distrust that no one can confirm North Korea's complete denuclearization or its bright future. Once we enter the actual denuclearization stage, the issue of trust will become more serious.
Maybe the North Korean nuclear issue is already in a difficult stage for scientific declaration and verification, he said. Therefore, once we decide to trust, we must rush with the freeze that will halt the nuclear missile program that is still in operation.
Even in terms of the concept of denuclearization and a comprehensive agreement, the collective settlement to achieve denuclearization, which is very close to disarmament at once, may not be easy. As U.S. President Donald Trump said, both Koreas and the United States must find the common benefit in creating a roadmap of comprehensive agreements and phased implementation rather than being hasty.
The Vice Director of the Institute for National Security Strategy, Lee Ki-dong, said that even though North Korea has strict sanctions from the international community, rapidly changed its national policy from possessing nuclear power to denuclearization, or from dual policy of nuclear and economic development to an economic centralized policy, and remained in long-term stalemate with U.S. relations, there is no clear sign of instability.
Economically, North Korea is pouring all its efforts into breaking through the sanctions by encouraging and mobilizing internal capabilities, with the emphasis on self-sufficiency, self-rehabilitation and conservation.
Externally, it is seeking to resume negotiations on denuclearization based on trust between the leaders of the U.S. and North Korea, Lee said. The current speed of negotiations is still slow due to ROK-U.S. military exercises or military reinforcements. However, there still is space for dialogue. North Korea is attempting to prepare a system to secure its regime and check on the U.S. by strengthening relations with China and Russia.
Professor Hiraiwa Shunji from Nanzan University said Japan's policy toward North Korea aims at the normalization of Japan-North Korea relations based on the Pyongyang Declaration.
The basic principles of Japan are the comprehensive resolution of nuclear missiles and abductions, international cooperation, and dialogue and pressure. In response to the changes in North Korea's relations with South Korean and the U.S., Japan also is considering normal diplomacy. It is even no longer using the phrase "maximized pressure" in the U.N. Human Rights Council.
According to Shunji, Japan aims to completely denuclearize North Korea. However, it is only considering international cooperation, regardless of North Korea's sincerity and will.
In session 2, Professor Kamo Tomoki from Keio University presented his analysis that the Japan-China relationship is changing from competition to cooperation, and the two countries have stepped to a new stage of further development.
Economically, Japan has come to a positive position on China's One Belt, One Road Initiative, for instance, having private economic cooperation with China in the developing world. However, Japan still needs to diversify international risks due to concerns over China's openness, economics, transparency and fiscal soundness.
In addition, it has established a military liaison mechanism on the open seas and signed the sea research and rescue agreement that promoted a friendly atmosphere with China, Tomoki said. Nevertheless, the East China Sea is still facing tension.
Professor Kotani Tetsuo from Meikei University compared that while the Obama administration was skeptical and concerned about China's strategic involvement, Trump's public policy has adopted a competitive strategy.
It has started strategic competition including trade wars and competition over high-tech and hegemony, he said. He mentioned that U.S.-China competition will last mid to long term, and Japan will stay with the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Initiative that puts more weight on engaging China than checking and competing.
There are still concerns about how to face China in 2049 (the centenary of the republic), however, if the U.S. public strategy is Dragon slayer while the Japanese public strategy is Dragon hugger.
Professor Shin Sung-ho from Seoul National University put the current U.S.-China conflict in Asia as the challenge to Korea's strategy on diplomacy and security.
Besides directly related and urgent security issues, such as North Korea's nuclear weapons and the THAAD missile defense deployment, South Korea is under pressure from the U.S. and China over various other issues.
In this regard, South Korea should not make any choices first, but rather avoid or postpone the situation, Shin said. The country must express its clear stance with rational judgment on what the national interest is.
Shin said: "We can build trust in us by presenting principles in accordance with international norms and universal values, together with our national interests. In order to prevent U.S.-China competition from developing into a new cold war between continental and marine forces, we can consider the middle role of Korea-Japan relations."
Hwang Jae-ho is director of the Global Security Cooperation Center at the Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul.
The Korea-Japan Experts Seminar was held in Tokyo on August 27, when Korea-Japan relations were sharply conflicting.
The Center for Contemporary Korean Studies of the Institute of East Asian Studies from Keio University and the Global Security Cooperation Center from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies held talks with the theme of "Mutual Understanding of Korea-Japan Security Strategy," under the auspices of the Korea Foundation.
Two sessions were held with Center for Contemporary Korean Studies director Nishino Junya as a chairman. The first was "The strategy of Korea-Japan surrounding the situation on the Korean Peninsula" while the second was "Korea and Japan's response on the strategic competition between the U.S. and China".
Researchers from both countries were basically aware of the insecurity and instability of the rapidly changing regional security order, however, they had some similarities as well as differences in their response strategies.
In terms of North Korea policy, Korea and Japan differed most. On the other hand, Korea and Japan also focused on their relationship with China instead of the unilateral choice of the ROK-U.S. or U.S.-Japan alliance to secure their national interests. This seminar focused on the current security environment rather than the recent history issues. Summaries of experts from each two countries are as follows:
 |
| Koh Yoo-hwan |
In the first session, Professor Koh Yoo-hwan from Dongguk University shared the reason why there is no progress in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula over a year after the summit in Singapore.
He said the cause comes from the mutual distrust that no one can confirm North Korea's complete denuclearization or its bright future. Once we enter the actual denuclearization stage, the issue of trust will become more serious.
Maybe the North Korean nuclear issue is already in a difficult stage for scientific declaration and verification, he said. Therefore, once we decide to trust, we must rush with the freeze that will halt the nuclear missile program that is still in operation.
Even in terms of the concept of denuclearization and a comprehensive agreement, the collective settlement to achieve denuclearization, which is very close to disarmament at once, may not be easy. As U.S. President Donald Trump said, both Koreas and the United States must find the common benefit in creating a roadmap of comprehensive agreements and phased implementation rather than being hasty.
 |
| Lee Ki-dong |
The Vice Director of the Institute for National Security Strategy, Lee Ki-dong, said that even though North Korea has strict sanctions from the international community, rapidly changed its national policy from possessing nuclear power to denuclearization, or from dual policy of nuclear and economic development to an economic centralized policy, and remained in long-term stalemate with U.S. relations, there is no clear sign of instability.
Economically, North Korea is pouring all its efforts into breaking through the sanctions by encouraging and mobilizing internal capabilities, with the emphasis on self-sufficiency, self-rehabilitation and conservation.
Externally, it is seeking to resume negotiations on denuclearization based on trust between the leaders of the U.S. and North Korea, Lee said. The current speed of negotiations is still slow due to ROK-U.S. military exercises or military reinforcements. However, there still is space for dialogue. North Korea is attempting to prepare a system to secure its regime and check on the U.S. by strengthening relations with China and Russia.
 |
| Hiraiwa Shunji |
Professor Hiraiwa Shunji from Nanzan University said Japan's policy toward North Korea aims at the normalization of Japan-North Korea relations based on the Pyongyang Declaration.
The basic principles of Japan are the comprehensive resolution of nuclear missiles and abductions, international cooperation, and dialogue and pressure. In response to the changes in North Korea's relations with South Korean and the U.S., Japan also is considering normal diplomacy. It is even no longer using the phrase "maximized pressure" in the U.N. Human Rights Council.
According to Shunji, Japan aims to completely denuclearize North Korea. However, it is only considering international cooperation, regardless of North Korea's sincerity and will.
 |
| Kamo Tomoki |
In session 2, Professor Kamo Tomoki from Keio University presented his analysis that the Japan-China relationship is changing from competition to cooperation, and the two countries have stepped to a new stage of further development.
Economically, Japan has come to a positive position on China's One Belt, One Road Initiative, for instance, having private economic cooperation with China in the developing world. However, Japan still needs to diversify international risks due to concerns over China's openness, economics, transparency and fiscal soundness.
In addition, it has established a military liaison mechanism on the open seas and signed the sea research and rescue agreement that promoted a friendly atmosphere with China, Tomoki said. Nevertheless, the East China Sea is still facing tension.
 |
| Kotani Tetsuo |
Professor Kotani Tetsuo from Meikei University compared that while the Obama administration was skeptical and concerned about China's strategic involvement, Trump's public policy has adopted a competitive strategy.
It has started strategic competition including trade wars and competition over high-tech and hegemony, he said. He mentioned that U.S.-China competition will last mid to long term, and Japan will stay with the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Initiative that puts more weight on engaging China than checking and competing.
There are still concerns about how to face China in 2049 (the centenary of the republic), however, if the U.S. public strategy is Dragon slayer while the Japanese public strategy is Dragon hugger.
 |
| Shin Sung-ho |
Professor Shin Sung-ho from Seoul National University put the current U.S.-China conflict in Asia as the challenge to Korea's strategy on diplomacy and security.
Besides directly related and urgent security issues, such as North Korea's nuclear weapons and the THAAD missile defense deployment, South Korea is under pressure from the U.S. and China over various other issues.
In this regard, South Korea should not make any choices first, but rather avoid or postpone the situation, Shin said. The country must express its clear stance with rational judgment on what the national interest is.
Shin said: "We can build trust in us by presenting principles in accordance with international norms and universal values, together with our national interests. In order to prevent U.S.-China competition from developing into a new cold war between continental and marine forces, we can consider the middle role of Korea-Japan relations."
Hwang Jae-ho is director of the Global Security Cooperation Center at the Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul.
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