By Kim Won-soo
Liberal democracy, along with the open market economy, has been the main engine of progress for humanity over the last century. Liberal democracy is not perfect, but it's the best available option that we currently have. It comprises a liberal political ideology and an elected government composed of separate branches that exercise checks and balances against each other. It has evolved over time to suit the specific socio-political context of each country.
Recently, however, liberal democracy has come under siege both domestically and internationally. Now it is facing a two-pronged challenge: 1) domestically, many democracies are experiencing a surge in populism and socio-political polarization, which is chipping away at their ability to adapt to internal challenges; and 2) internationally, the growing rivalry with authoritarian governments is amplifying the internal polarization of liberal democracies and weakening their ability to respond to external challenges.
Behind this double siege on liberal democracy are the following three factors.
First and foremost is the great turmoil the international community finds itself in. Economically, the weak recovery from the 2007-8 global financial crisis, coupled with the pandemic-induced economic hardship, are exacerbating the level of inequality and shrinking the middle class. Politically, moderate voices are losing ground while populist rhetoric is gathering steam, disguised as alternative facts. The pandemic has heightened walls between nations and negated many gains of globalization.
The second factor is the growing deficit in the international community's coping capacity. The leaders of the West, including the United States, are struggling to uphold liberal democratic ideals and values. At the same time, they have been unable to come to an agreement with non-democracies on how to deal with mounting global challenges.
Last but not least is liberal democracy's inherent limitations in finding the broadest possible solutions to emerging socio-political issues that sharply divide the population along ideological, gender, race, regional and generational lines. The search for solutions to such divisive issues is bound to take time as they require in-depth consultations with diverse interest groups.
As social tensions rise, the institutional capacity of the liberal democratic system falls even though the need for solutions is greater. Under such circumstances, delays in finding solutions will be inevitable and at the expense of future generations who do not have voices in the current decision-making process.
On the other hand, it is relatively easier for authoritarian governments to identify the path forward and impose it on their population. But the short-term certainty may turn into a long-term debacle, as the imposed solutions will most likely be sub-optimal.
Rescuing liberal democracy from the double siege is a formidable task that requires close cooperation among liberal democracies. No single democracy can do the job alone. In this regard, it is heartening to see that The Democracy and Culture Foundation, a non-profit organization founded by the New York Times, put together a series of roundtables on various challenges confronting today's democracies in partnership with several think tanks around the world.
The only roundtable in Asia was held in Seoul last month in closed settings. A heated debate among bipartisan experts from academia, media and civic organizations was followed by a citizens' panel composed of ordinary citizens selected to represent diverse political, social, and economic interests. The following are the main findings from the debate:
1) Liberal democracy stands at a critical inflection point. The choices we make now will determine its path forward;
2) Business as usual will not work. Structural overhaul is urgently needed. It must include both short-term fixes and long-term solutions;
3) There is no one-size-fits-all solution. Solutions must be tailored to meet the specific circumstances of each democracy;
4) Citizen engagement in the political process must be enlarged. The broadest possible consensus is required to find solutions and implement them with consistency.
South Korea is no exception to this global phenomenon of liberal democracy under double siege. But it has endured many tests in the past to build a resilient democracy. This is well recognized by the international community. The most recent evidence for that is the selection of Seoul as the venue for the above-mentioned roundtable.
Now South Korea must live up to these international expectations. It must renew its relatively young and dynamic democracy. It must work harder to remedy the fatigue and the flaws increasingly manifest in democratic institutions.
The new government of South Korea must take the lead by reaching out to opposition parties and the civil society. New endeavors are necessary to take South Korea's democratic institutions to the next level. Together, the South Korean people can make it happen. They owe it not only to themselves but also to the world.
Kim Won-soo (wsk4321@gmail.com) is the former under secretary-general of the United Nations and high representative for disarmament. As a Korean diplomat, he served as secretary to the ROK president for foreign affairs as well as for international security. He is now the chair of the international advisory board of the Taejae Academy (Future Consensus Institute) and the chair professor of Kyung Hee University.
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Recently, however, liberal democracy has come under siege both domestically and internationally. Now it is facing a two-pronged challenge: 1) domestically, many democracies are experiencing a surge in populism and socio-political polarization, which is chipping away at their ability to adapt to internal challenges; and 2) internationally, the growing rivalry with authoritarian governments is amplifying the internal polarization of liberal democracies and weakening their ability to respond to external challenges.
Behind this double siege on liberal democracy are the following three factors.
First and foremost is the great turmoil the international community finds itself in. Economically, the weak recovery from the 2007-8 global financial crisis, coupled with the pandemic-induced economic hardship, are exacerbating the level of inequality and shrinking the middle class. Politically, moderate voices are losing ground while populist rhetoric is gathering steam, disguised as alternative facts. The pandemic has heightened walls between nations and negated many gains of globalization.
The second factor is the growing deficit in the international community's coping capacity. The leaders of the West, including the United States, are struggling to uphold liberal democratic ideals and values. At the same time, they have been unable to come to an agreement with non-democracies on how to deal with mounting global challenges.
Last but not least is liberal democracy's inherent limitations in finding the broadest possible solutions to emerging socio-political issues that sharply divide the population along ideological, gender, race, regional and generational lines. The search for solutions to such divisive issues is bound to take time as they require in-depth consultations with diverse interest groups.
As social tensions rise, the institutional capacity of the liberal democratic system falls even though the need for solutions is greater. Under such circumstances, delays in finding solutions will be inevitable and at the expense of future generations who do not have voices in the current decision-making process.
On the other hand, it is relatively easier for authoritarian governments to identify the path forward and impose it on their population. But the short-term certainty may turn into a long-term debacle, as the imposed solutions will most likely be sub-optimal.
Rescuing liberal democracy from the double siege is a formidable task that requires close cooperation among liberal democracies. No single democracy can do the job alone. In this regard, it is heartening to see that The Democracy and Culture Foundation, a non-profit organization founded by the New York Times, put together a series of roundtables on various challenges confronting today's democracies in partnership with several think tanks around the world.
The only roundtable in Asia was held in Seoul last month in closed settings. A heated debate among bipartisan experts from academia, media and civic organizations was followed by a citizens' panel composed of ordinary citizens selected to represent diverse political, social, and economic interests. The following are the main findings from the debate:
1) Liberal democracy stands at a critical inflection point. The choices we make now will determine its path forward;
2) Business as usual will not work. Structural overhaul is urgently needed. It must include both short-term fixes and long-term solutions;
3) There is no one-size-fits-all solution. Solutions must be tailored to meet the specific circumstances of each democracy;
4) Citizen engagement in the political process must be enlarged. The broadest possible consensus is required to find solutions and implement them with consistency.
South Korea is no exception to this global phenomenon of liberal democracy under double siege. But it has endured many tests in the past to build a resilient democracy. This is well recognized by the international community. The most recent evidence for that is the selection of Seoul as the venue for the above-mentioned roundtable.
Now South Korea must live up to these international expectations. It must renew its relatively young and dynamic democracy. It must work harder to remedy the fatigue and the flaws increasingly manifest in democratic institutions.
The new government of South Korea must take the lead by reaching out to opposition parties and the civil society. New endeavors are necessary to take South Korea's democratic institutions to the next level. Together, the South Korean people can make it happen. They owe it not only to themselves but also to the world.
Kim Won-soo (wsk4321@gmail.com) is the former under secretary-general of the United Nations and high representative for disarmament. As a Korean diplomat, he served as secretary to the ROK president for foreign affairs as well as for international security. He is now the chair of the international advisory board of the Taejae Academy (Future Consensus Institute) and the chair professor of Kyung Hee University.
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